The vision for Southwest regional integration driven by a single political party has continued to be a mirage with the defeat suffered by All Progressives Congress (APC) in Oyo State. Although the architects of the regional integration argue that collaboration of the six states within the geographical zone was non-political but to advance their economic, social and cultural interests which had its roots from the First Republic when the region was being governed by Action Group (AG) under the leadership of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
The
dominance of a party continued in the region for a greater part of the
Second Republic when Unity Party (UPN) held sway in the Southwest
between 1979 and 1983, but it has become tough in the current
dispensation for a political party to win all the six states and push
the regional integration agenda from the same political philosophy.
Labour
Party (LP) and Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) controlled Ondo State for
many years, while Ogun, Osun, Ekiti and Oyo States had at one time or
the other been governed by PDP. With the governorship elections held in
Osun and Ekiti States last year, all the six states in the Southwest are
now being controlled by the APC, but that will cease by May 29 this
year when Engineer Seyi Makinde of PDP will be sworn in as the governor
of Oyo State.
A public analyst, Dr. Nureeni Adigun said, “For
the purpose of regional integration, Oyo State is key and central
because this is the capital of the region, but the governors of the
other five states controlled by APC must work harder and show extra love
to the new governor of Oyo State who will look like an orphan among
them to achieve anything”.
But the question many are asking is, “How did APC lose its goodwill in Oyo State?
That
APC lost both the presidential and governorship elections to the PDP
was not a surprise to those that have been following the political
trajectory of the state especially since 2015 when Governor Abiola
Ajimobi won the second term which was unprecedented in the history of
the state. However, the governor and his close allies failed to realise
that Ajimobi was only fortunate to benefit from the political hurricane
of the newly formed APC and President Muhammadu Buhari’s larger than
life image in the Southwest and the inability of the opposition to come
together which gave him 30.1 per cent of all total votes cast in 2015 to
retain his office.
But instead of working on that diminishing
popularity compared to the margin with which he won in 2011, the praise
singers and sycophants went to town and nicknamed him Koseleri
(literally meaning one who achieved what never happened) governor.
Ajimobi began to see himself not only as a colossus but an emperor who
has absolute power to achieve whatever he considered the best and took
joy in referring to himself as “constituted authority”, a sobriquet he
assumed while addressing students of LAUTECH that protested against
several months of industrial action embarked upon by the teaching and
non-teaching staff of the university.
Ajimobi’s performance and
prudent management of resources was not in doubt, but his alleged
arrogance and inability to control his tongue became a political tool
that dwarfted his achievements in redefining governance and running of
an unusual government.
But the sign of the impending disaster,
which was not averted, became public with the parallel congress held
last year by the party. That APC was polarized shortly after he won the
second term was not in doubt. Ajimobi, who rose to power through the
political structure of the former governor of the state, Alhaji Lam
Adeshina, had built another structure known as SENACO and the bitter war
of attrition between the two groups led to the weakness of the party
structure in the state.
While the LAMISTS cried out that they
were being marginalized in terms of political appointment and patronage,
APC members in SENACO were allegedly grabbing all opportunities and
priviledges from the government. Ajimobi and his aides denied this
allegation and failed to readjust and extend the goodies to the
disgruntled members.
This continued till the party held its
primaries, which the group saw as payback time. It took them little
efforts to merge forces with the Mandate Forum to form a formidable
force against Ajimobi and his SENACO group. Although Ajimobi had his way
but the cracks within APC structure made it vulnerable and many enemies
within the party worked against its success.
Many of the
disenchanted members defected to African Democratic Congress (ADC). But
what surprised many observers was the unperturbed disposition of Ajimobi
for losing a chunk of party leaders with grassroots supports. But all
these were unknown to the national leadership of the party, which
trusted Ajimobi so much that he was made a peacemaker to other states
where there were internal crisis.
His face-off with the Minister
of Communications, Adebayo Shittu was said to be poorly handled.
Although many have argued that the Minister, who rose to the position
through his personal relationship with President Muhammadu Buhari, has
“no electoral value” but keeping him as an enemy within the party was
strategically wrong for a party that wanted to win an election. Shittu
publicly declared that he would work against his anointed candidate,
Bayo Adelabu and he did.
The result of the presidential election
where Atiku Abubakar polled 366,690 to defeat APC’s Presidential
candidate, President Muhammadu Buhari, who scored 365,229 and the
senatorial election where Kola Balogun of PDP scored 105,720 to trump
Ajimobi, who recorded 92,579 was a referendum on some of the policies of
the governor who fought many elites in Ibadan, including the monarch of
the town, Oba Saliu Adetunji, over the review of Olubadan Chieftaincy
declaration that led to multiplicity of monarchs in the ancient city.
While
the governor had argued that it was a development necessary for the
city seeking a creation of Ibadan State, many believed otherwise. This
led to a bitter acrimony and legal tussle between him and the monarch.
The court ruled in favour of the monarch but the state government
appealed against the judgment.
The controversy did not favour
Ajimobi’s political ambition, who is now being seen as an outcast in the
city. It is so bad that a traditional group in Ibadan disowned him as
an Ibadan indigene and traced his lineage to Oshogbo. They alleged that
it was Agboluaje family that rehabilitated his father. They even went to
the extent of politicizing how his younger brother, Wasiu, rose from
Mogaji to Jagun and placed him above his seniors within a year, a
situation they said Olubadan will certainly review after May 29.
Ajimobi’s
battered image was further dented by the demolition of the Music House
of the juju gospel artiste, Yinka Ayefele; it also housed his radio
station. The state’s Commissioner for Information, Toye Arulogun, had
accused the radio station owner of allowing too much of opposition
elements to criticize the government. While the arguments ensued, the
government gave the radio station demolition notice, alleging that the
station was flouting physical and environmental laws. Before the radio
station could defend itself, the government rolled in caterpillars to
demolish a section of the building, even when the matter was in court.
This
singular act, described as intolerance of the opposition by Ajimobi’s
administration, further heightened negative sentiment against his
government. Feeling the heat, the government made a dramatic turn around
and reconciled with Ayefele while the building was reconstructed.
One
of his critics, Kehinde Salami, said, “We all knew his government has
ended the day he demolished Ayefele’ radio station. When he lost face in
the public he went to rebuild it. So, what Ajimobi said was illegal
just became legal without court pronouncement. He spent public funds to
demolish it and still expended public funds to rebuild it. You can see
what has come of Emperor Ajimobi. Oyo state is too civilized for this
kind of behaviour”.
Also, Oyo State APC could not fly in the
governorship election because Adedibu, who quit his job as Deputy
Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to give the governorship
election a shot, strongly relied on the ability of Ajimobi to win
election for him. Many in the state said the grandson of the successful
Ibadan parliamentarian, the late Chief Adegoke Adelabu, had even seen
himself as governor-in-waiting immediately he won the APC primaries.
His
campaign rode on Ajimobi’s back with visibility of his own before the
presidential election. This would jolt him into the stark reality of his
precarious position. His attempt to carve a niche for himself and
distance his campaign from what many described as “bad fortunes” of
Ajimobi came too late to have any impact in the society that had written
off APC. It was a case of throwing away a child with bath water.
However,
observers are of the opinion that Ajimobi’s “sins” might not have been
strong enough to cause APC that election if the opposition parties had
not closed ranks and worked together to confront APC.
With the
result of the presidential election where PDP won majority votes for its
presidential candidate, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, other opposition parties
including, ADC, Social Democratic Party (SDP), Zenith Labour Party
(ZLP) and African Democratic Party (ADP), led by former Governor
Christopher Adebayo Akala, went into alliance with the aim of forming a
unity government and wrestling power from APC.
While the
negotiation was going on, APC national leader, Asiwaju Ahmed Bola
Tinubu, met with Akala and the former governor, who was the convener of
the opposition parties against APC, decided to form alliance with the
party.
Although details of the meeting of the Akala and Tinubu
were not made public, it was alleged that the former governor had been
promised to be let off the hook of Economic and Financial Crime
Commission (EFCC) that had been trying him for alleged fraud and other
financial considerations. Akala did not only work for APC but also
denied Makinde from using his radio station based in Ogbomosho for live
broadcast of his campaign.
But former Governor Rasheed Ladoja
provided the leadership for the opposition parties and convinced Senator
Femi Lanlehin (ADC), Sharafadeen Alli (ZLP), Chief Bolaji Ayorinde
(SDP) to drop their governorship ambitions and join Makinde to get a
resounding victory for the PDP. Makinde received 515, 621 votes to
defeat his closest rival from APC, Adelabu, who polled 357, 982 votes.
The margin of defeat is 157,639 votes.
Besides, PDP won in 28 out of 33 local councils while APC won in five. ADP won one local council.
Source:- Guardianng
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